But here you say it will be replied, that though the Pope be not considered as the Supreme Head of the Church; with reference whereunto his super eminent jurisdiction was disputed in the former times: yet it cannot be denied with reason, but that he is the Patriarch of these Western Churches, and the Apostle in particular of the English Nation. In these respects no Reformation of the Church to be made without him: especially, considering that the Church of England at that time was a Member of the Church of Rome, and therefore to act nothing in that kinde but by consent of the whole; according to that known Maxim of the Schools, Turpis est pars ea quae toti suo non cohaerent. This though it be a Triple Cord, will be easily broken. For first the Pope is not the Patriarch of the West. One of the Patriarchs of the West we shall easily grant him; but that he is the Patriarch we will by no means yeeld. To tell you why we dare not yeeld it, I must put you in minde of these particulars: 1. That all Bishops in respect of their Office or Episcopality are of equall power, whether they be of Rome or Rhegium, of Constantinople or Engubium, of Alexandria or of Tanais, as S. Hierom hath it, Potemia divitiarum & paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inferiorem episcopum non facit. A plentiful Revenue and a sorry Competency makes not (saith he) one Bishop higher then another in regard of his office, though possibly of more esteem and reputation in the eyes of men. 2. That in respect to Polity and external order, the Bishops antiently were disposed of into Sub et supra, according to the Platform of the Roman Empire, agreeable to the good old Rule which we finde mentioned, though not made in the general Councel of Chalcedon, that is to say, Ekklhsiastikwn h taxis &c. The government of the Church is to be fitted to the Civil State. 3. That the Roman Empire was divided antiently into 14 Juridical Circuits, which they called Diocesses, reckoning the Praefecture of Rome for one of the number: six of the which, that is to say the Diocesses of Italie, Africk, Spain Britain, Gaul, and Illyricum occidentale, besides the Praefecture of the City, were under the command of the Western Emperors, after the Empire was divided into East and West. 4. That in the Praefecture of the City of Rome were contained no more than the Provinces of Latium, Tuscia, Picenum, Sumnum, and Calabria, Brutium and Lucania, in the main land of Italy, together with the Islands of Sicilie, Corsica and Sardinia. 5. That every Province having several Cities, there was (agreeable to this model) a Bishop placed in every City, a Metropolitan in the chief City of each Province, who had a superintendence over all the Bishops; and in each Diocesse, a Primate ruling in chief over the Metropolitans of the several Provinces. And 6. though at first only the three Primates or Arch-bishops of Rome, Antioch, and Alexandria, commonly and in vulgar speech had the name of Patriarchs, by reason of the wealth and greatnesse of those Cities (the greatest of the Roman Empire, and the chief of Europe, Asia, and Africa) to which the Bishops of Hierusalem and Constantinople were after added: yet were they all of equal power among themselves, and shined with as full a splendor in their proper Orbes as any of the Popes then did in the Sphere of Rome, receiving all their light from the Sun of righteousnesse, not borrowing it from one another; for which the so much celebrated Canon of the Nicene Councel may may be proof sufficient. If not the Edicts of Iustinian shall come in to help, by which it was decreed that all Appeals in point of grievance should lie from the Bishop to the Metropolitan, and from the Metropolitans unto the Primates (the Patriarchs as he cals them) of the several Diocesses. By which accompt it doth appear that the Patriarchate of Rome was antiently confined within the Praefecture of that City: in which respect as the Provinces subject to the Pope were by Ruffinus called Regiones Suburbicariae, or the City Provinces; so was the Pope himself called Vrbicus, or the City-Bishop by Optatus Afer.

To prove this point more plainly by particular instances I shall take leave to travel over the Western Diocesses, to see what marks of Independence we can finde among them: such as dissenting in opinion from the Church of Rome, or adhering unto different ceremonies and formes of worship, or otherwise standing in defence of their own authority. And first the Diocesse of Italy, though under the Popes nose (as we use to say) was under the command of the Archbishop of Millaine, as the Primate of it: which City is therefore called by Athanasius the Metropolis or chief City of Italy. The Saturdaies fast observed at Rome and not at Millaine, (Quando Romae sum jejuno Sabbato, quum hic sum non jejuno Sabbato, as S. Ambrose hath it) shewes clearly that the one had no dependence upon the other. And yet the difference of Divine Offices or Formes of worship is a more pregnant proof then this: the Churches of Millain officiating for many ages by a Liturgie which S. Ambrose had a special hand in; they of the Patriarchate of Rome following the old Roman Missals, not fully finished and compleated till the time of Pope Gregory. Whence the distinction of Ecclesiae Ambrosianae & Ecclesiae Gregorianae, extant in Bonaventure and others of the writers of the later times. Crosse we the Seas unto the Diocesse of Africk, governed in chief by the Primate or Archbishop of Carthage: and there we finde S. Cyprian determining against Pope Stephen in the then controverted case of Rebaptization; and calling him (in his Epistle of Pompeius) an obstinate and presumptuous man, and a fauter of Hereticks: no very great tokens of subjection, if you mark it well. The error of his judgement in the point debated I regard not here; but I am sure that in defence of his authority and jurisdiction, he was right enough: and therein strongly seconded by the African Church, opposing the incroachments of Zosimus, Boniface, and Celestine, succeeding one another in the Roman Patriarchate; prohibiting all appeals to Rome in the Councels of Milevis and Carthage; and finally excommunicating Lupicinus for appealing to Pope Leo the first, contrary to the rites and liberties of the African Church. Next for the Diocesse of Spain, I look upon the Musarabick Liturgie composed by Isidore, Archbishop of Sevil, and universally received in all the Churches of that Continent for as unquestionable a character of self-sufficiency as the Ambrosian Office was in the Church of Millain; the Roman or Gregorian Missal not being used in all this Countrey till the year 1083. At which time one Bernard a Frenchman and a great stickler in behalf of the Roman Ceremonies, being made Archbishop of Toledo, by practising with Alfonso the then King of Castile, first introduced the Roman Missall into some of the Churches of that City, and after by degrees into all the rest of those Kingdomes: soon after the Churches of France, the greatest and most noble part of the Gallick Diocesse, they were originally under the authority of the Bishop of Lions, as their proper Primate, not owing any suit of service to the Court of Rome; but standing on their own Basis, and acting all things of themselves as the others did. The freedome wherewith I renaeus the renowned Bishop of that City reproved the rashnesse of Pope Victor (in the Case of Easter) not well becoming an inferior Bishop to the Supreme Pastor: shewes plainly that they stood on even ground, and had no advantage of each other in respect of sub & supra, as Logicians say: notwithstanding that more powerful Principality (potentior principalitas, as the Latin: hath it) which Irenaeus did allow him over those at home. But a more evident proof of this there can hardly be then those large liberties and freedomes which the Church Gallican doth at this time enjoy; the remainders past all doubt of those antient rights which under their own Patriarch they were first possessed of: not suffering the Decrees of the Councel of Trent (that great supporter of the Popedome) to take place amongst them, but as insensibly and by the practises of some Bishops they were introduced; curbing the Popes exorbitant power by the pragmatick Sanction, and by the frequent Judgements and Arrests of Parliament: insomuch as a Book of Cardinal Bellarmines tending to the advancement of the Papall Monarchy, and another writ by Becanus the Iesuite entituled Controversia Anglicana in maintenance of the Popes supremacy, were suppressed and censured, anno 1612. Another writ by Casper Schioppius to the same effect (but with far lesse modesty) being at the same time burnt by the hands of the Hangman. Finally, for the Churches of the Diocesse of Britain (those of Illyricum lying too far off to be brought in here) they had their own Primate also the Archbishop of York, and under him two Metropolitans, the Bishops of London and Caer-leon. And for a character of their Freedome or self subsistence, they had four different customes from the Church of Rome, as in the Tonsure, and the keeping of the Feast of Easter, wherein they followed the Tradition of the Eastern Churches: So firm withall in their obedience to their own Primate, the Archbishop of Caer-leon on Vsh (the only Archbishop of three which before they had) that they would by no means yeeld subjection unto Augustine the Monk, the first Archbishop of the English, though he came armed amongst them with the Popes authority. Nor would they afterwards submit unto his successors, though backed by the authority of the Kings of England, acknowledging no other Primate but the Bishop of St. Davids (to which the Metropolitan See was then translated) untill the time of Henry the 2. when the greatest part of South Wales and the City of S. Davids it self was in possession of the English. These were the Patriarchs or Primates of the Western Churches, and by these Primates the Church was either governed singly (but withall supremely) in their several Diocesses, (taking the word Diocese in the former notion) or in conjunction each with other by their letters of advice and intercourse, which they called Literas Formatas and Communicatorias. You see by this that though the Pope was one of the Western Patriarchs, yet was he not originally and by primitive Institution, either the Patriarch of the West, (that is to say not the only one) nor could pretend unto their Rights, as any of their Sees were ruined by the barbarous Nations: and consequently his consent not necessary to a Reformation beyond the bounds of his own Patriarchate, under that pretence.

Let us next see what power he can lay claim unto, as the Apostle in particular of the English Nation. Which memorable title I shall never grudge him. I know well not only that the wife of Ethelbert King of Kent, a Christian and a daughter of France had both her Chappel and her Chappellane in the Palace Royal, before the first preaching of Austin the Monk; but that the Britains living intermixt with the Saxons for so long a time, may be supposed in probability and reason to have gained some of them to the Faith. But let the Pope enjoy this honour, let Gregory the Great be the Apostle of the English Saxons, by whom that Augustine was sent hither: yet this entituleth his Successors to no higher Prerogatives then the Lords own Apostles did think fit to claim in Countreys which they had converted. For neither were the English Saxons Baptized in the name of the Pope (they had been then Gregoriani and not Christiani); or looked upon him as the Lord of this part of Gods heritage, but as an helper to their joy. S. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles did disclaim the one; S. Peter the Apostle of the Iewes did disswade the other. The Anglican Church was absolute and Independent from the first beginning, not tyed so much as to the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome: it being left by Gregory to the discretion of Augustine, out of the Rites and Rubricks of such Churches as he met with in his journey hither (these of Italie and France he means) to constitute a form of worship for the Church of England. And for a further proof hereof, he that consults the Saxon Councels collected by that learned and industrious Gentleman Sir H Spelman, will finde how little there was in them of a Papall influence, from the first planting of the Gospel to the Norman Conquest. If we look lower we shall finde, that the Popes Legat a Latere whensoever sent, durst not set foot on English ground, till he was licensed and indemnified by the Kings Authority: but all Appeals in case of grievance were to be made (by a Decree of Henry the 2.) from the Archdeacon to the Bishop, from the Bishop to the Metropolitan, Et si Archiepiscopus defecerit in justitia exhibenda, ad Dominum Regem deveniendum est postremo, and last of all from the Metropolitan to the King himself; no Appeal hence unto the Pope as in other places, that the Clergy of this land had a self-authority of treating and concluding in any businesse which concerned their own peace and happinesse, without resorting to the Pope for a confirmation. Out of which Canons and Determinations made amongst our selves, Lindwood composed his Provincial (though framed according to the method of the Roman Decretal) to be the standing body of our Common-Law: that on the other side neither the Canons of that Church, or Decretals of the Popes were concluding here, but either by a voluntary submission of some cunning and ambitious Prelates, or as they were received Synodically by the English Clergy; of which the consitutions made by Othe and Othebon Legats a latere from the Pope may be proof sufficient: and finally that Anselm the Archbishop of Canterbury, was welcomed by Pope Vrban the 2. to the Councel of Bari in Apulia, tanquam alterius orbis Papa, as in William of Malmesbury; tanquam Patriarcham & Apostolicum, as Iohn Capgrave hath it as the Pope, Patriarch, and Apostolick Pastor of another World (Divisos orbe Britannos, as you know who said). Which titles questionlesse the Pope would never have conferred upon him, had he not been as absolute and supreme in his own jurisdiction (succeeding in the Patriarchal Rights of the British Diocesse) as the Pope was within the Churches subject unto his Authority. And this perhaps might be the reason why Innocent the 2. bestowed on Theobald (the third from Anselm) and on his Successors in that See, the Title of Legati nati; that they might seem to act rather in the time to come as Servants and Ministers to the Pope, then as the Primates and chief Pastors of the Church of England. And by all this it may appear that the Popes Apostleship was never looked on here as a matter of so great concernment, that the Church might not lawfully proceed to a Reformation without his allowance and consent. Were that plea good, the Germans might not lawfully have reformed themselves, without the allowance of the English: it being evident in story that not only Boniface Archbishop of Mentz, called generally the Apostle of Germany, was an Engglish man; but that Willibald the first Bishop of Eystel, Willibad the first Bishop of Bremen, Willibrod the first Bishop of Vtreoht, Swibert the first Bishop of Virdem, and the first converters of those parts were of England also Men instigated to this great work (all except the first) not so much by the Popes zeal as their own great piety.

By this that hath been said it is clear enough that the Church of England at the time of the Reformation, was not indeed a Member of the Church of Rome, under the Pope as the chief Pastor and Supreme Head of the Church of CHRIST: but a Fellow-member with it of that Body Mystical whereof CHRIST only is the Head, part of that flock whereof he only is the Shepherd: a sister Church to that of Rome, though with relation to the time of her last conversion, but a younger Sister. And if a Fellow-member and a Sister-Church, she might make use of that authority which naturally and originally was vested in her, to reform her self, without the leave of the particular Church of Rome, or any other whatsoever of the Sister-Churches. The Church is likened to a City in the Book of God, a City at unity in it self, as the Psalmist cals it; and as a City it consisteth of many houses, and in each house a several and particular Family. Suppose this City visited with some general sicknesse, may not each family take care to preserve it self, advise with the Physitian, and apply the Remedy, without consulting with the rest? Or if consulting with the rest, must they needs ask leave also of the Maior or principal Magistrate, take counsel with no other Doctors, and follow no other course of Physick then such as he commends unto them, or imposeth on them? Or must the lesser languish irremediably under the calamity, because the greater and more potent Families do not like the cure? Assuredly it was not so in the primitive times, when it was held a commendable and lawfull thing for National and particular Churches to reform such errors and corruptions as they found amongst them; nor in the Church of Iudah neither, when the Idolatries of their Neighbours had got ground upon them. Though Israel transgress, let not Judah sin, saith the Prophet Hosea chap. 4. Yet Israel was the greater and more numerous people. Ten Tribes to two; two of the ten the eldest sons of their Father Iacob, all of them older then Benjamin the last begotten being the second of the two: which notwithstanding the Kings of Iudah might and did proceed to a Reformation, though those of Israel did refuse to co-operate with them. The like was also done de facto and de jure too in the best and happiest-times of Christianity: there being many errors and unsound opinions condemned in the Councels of Gangra, Aquilia, Carthage, Milevis; and not a few corruptions in the practical part of Religion reformed in the Synods of Eliberis, Laodicea, Arles, and others in the fourth Century of the Church: without advising or consulting with the Riman Oracle, or running to the Church of Rome for a confirmation of their Acts and doings though at that time invested with a greater and more powerful principality then the others were. No such regard had in those times to the Church of Rome, though the elder Sister, but that another National Church might reform without her: nor any such consideration had of the younger Sisters, that one should tarry for another till they all agreed, though possibly they might all be sensible of the inconvenience, and all alike desirous of a speedy Remedy. But of this more anon in Answer to the next Objections.

Proceed we now a little further, and let us grant for once that the Church of England was a Member at that time of the Church of Rome, acknowledging the Pope for the Head thereof: yet this could be no hindrance to a Reformation when the pretended Head would not yeeld unto it, or that the Members could not meet to consult about it. The whole Body of the Church was in ill condition, every part unsound, but the disease lay chiefly in the head it self, grown monstrously too great for the rest of the Members. And should the whole body pine and languish without hope of ease, because the Head (I mean still the pretended Head) would not be purged of some superfluous and noxious humours occasioning giddinesse in the brain, dimnesse in the eye, deafnesse in the ear, and in a word, a general and sad distemper unto all the Members? The Pope was grown to an exorbitant height both of pride and power; the Court of Rome wallowing (as in a course of prosperous fortunes) in all voluptuousnesse and sensuality. Nothing so feared amongst them as a Reformation whereby they knew that an abatement must be made of their pomp and pleasure. Of these corruptions and abuses as of many others complaint had formerly been made, by Armachanus Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln, S. Bernard, Nic. de Clemangis, and other conscientious men in their several Countreys: nor at errors noted and informed against by Wickliffe, Iohn of Hus, &c. But they complained to a deaf Adder, who was resolved not to hear the voice of those charmers, charmed they never so wisely. The Church mean while was in a very ill condition, when he that should prescribe the cure, was become the sicknesse. Considering therefore that a Reformation could not be obtained by the Popes consent, there was no remedy but that it must be made without it. The Molten Calf modelled by the Egyptian Apis, and the Altar patterned from Damascus, had made the Israelites (in all probability) as great idolaters as their neighbours, if the High priests that set them up might have had their Wils. Nor had it been much better with the Church of CHRIST, if Arianism could not have been suppressed in particular Churches, because Liberius Pope of Rome, (supposing him to be the Head of the Church in general) had subscribed unto it, and that no error and corruption could have been reformed, which any of the Popes (whose Graves I am very loth to open) had been guilty of, but by their permission. The Church now were in worse estate under Christian Princes, then when it suffered under the power and tyranny of the Heathen Emperors, if it were not lawful for particular Churches to provide for their own safety and salvation, without resorting to the Pope: who cannot every day be spoke with, and may (when spoken with) be pressed with so many inconveniences nearer hand, as not to be at leisure to attend such businesses as lie further off. And therefore it was well said by Danet the French Ambassador when he communicated to the Pope his Masters purpose of Reforming the Gallican Church by a National Councel: If (said he) Paris were on fire, would you not count the Citizens either Fools, or Mad-men, if they should send so far as Tiber for some water to quench it the River of Seine running through the City, and the Marne so near it?

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